FAS, which is preventable, is now considered a leading cause
mental retardation in the United States. 107 Not until 1991 was comprehen-
sive data published concerning adolescent girls and adults with FAS, in
spite of the increasing prevalence of FAS. In their report on 61
adolescent
girls and adult women, Streissguth, et al., found that:
...although mental retardation is not necessarily predictable from
the diagnoses alone, major psychosocial problems and life-long adjustment
problems were characteristic ....The development and cognitive handicaps
persist as long in life as these patients have been studied. None of these
patients were known to be independent in terms of both housing and income
....Attentional deficits and problems with judgment, comprehension, and
abstraction were the most frequently reported behavior problems ....Conduct
problems, such as lying and defiance, also characterized a number of these
patients. Data on trouble with the law and substance abuse were not
systematically obtained .... 101
In another study of
92 adolescent girls and adult women with FAS, 36 percent of the patients
reported having current or past experience with alcohol abuse, and 25 percent
reported past abuse of other drugs. 10, While no specific data are provided in the paper reporting this
study, the authors indicate that "males abused alcohol at a higher rate
than females." It is important for treatment program personnel to
recognize that when adolescent girls and adult women with FAS present for
treatment, they have particular issues that must be addressed by both medical
and mental health personnel.
Use of cocaine, heroin, methadone, and other drugs during pregnancy is
widespread, but experts know less about this type of abuse. However,
some direct data are available concerning cocaine use during pregnancy.
According to Clark and Weinstein, "reported prevalence of use [of cocaine]
rates among pregnant women in large urban teaching hospitals
40 Women and
Alcohol and Other Drugs: An Overview
range from 8 to 15
percent, although frequency of use during pregnancy
varies considerably." "° In 1992, according to the SAMHSA Household
Survey, an estimated 329,000 women 18 to 34 (the age group with the
highest birth rates) or 1 percent of respondents in this age group, had used
cocaine in the previous month, and 87,000 had used crack."' Data regard
ing women's use of heroin are not available by age group.
Only one national survey of prenatal exposure to illicit drugs has
been conducted.
According to that survey of 50 hospitals, an average of 11
percent of pregnant women were abusing illegal substances, with cocaine or
crack as the drug of choice in 75 percent of the cases. "2 Using these data,
researchers estimate that each year 375,000 newborns are exposed
perinatally to at least one illegal drug,' 13 with significant consequences. For
example, low birthweight has been repeatedly associated with the use of
heroin and methadone.I " Heroin has also been shown to produce severe ill
effects in prenatally exposed children.
In an investigation of cocaine, Chasnoff, et al., found that the
infants of cocaine-abusing mothers (with or without other drugs) had
significantly lower birthweights, increased prematurity, and increased
incidence of introuterine growth retardation (IUGR) and abruptio placentae than
infants of non-drug using mothers. "6 The findings of increased IUGR, prematurity, and low
birthweight have been supported by other studies. ' 11 ' "
Although more studies of the epidemiology of drug abuse among
pregnant women are clearly warranted, the growing evidence on adverse birth
outcomes strongly suggests that illicit drug use contributes to high rates of
infant mortality, Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS), and mental retardation.
Anecdotal reports indicate that the problem may be getting worse, at least in
some areas. In the District of Columbia, a sharp rise in infant mortality
between 1987 and 1988-from 19.6 to 23.2-has been attributed to increased crack
use among pregnant women.' 19
Women and Alcohol and Other Drugs: An
Overview 41
2.4.3 Women in
the Criminal Justice System
In the past, women in the
criminal justice system who had substance abuse problems received very little
attention because their numbers were few and they typically served short
sentences. In the last decade, however, the increased incarceration of women
has shifted the focus to, at a minimum, understanding why more women are in the
criminal justice system. Overall, the U.S. prison population has increased 250
percent since 1980 (from 329,821 in 1980 to 823,414 in 1991).'2° As of the end
of 1991, 47,691 of the total federal and state prisoners were women. '2' The
growth in the rate of women in the prison population exceeded that of men in
the prison population at the state level in the 1980s, increasing 202 percent
for women as compared to 112 percent for men. '22
The major reasons for the increase in incarceration of women have
been the national crisis
regarding alcohol and other drug problems and the
advent of mandatory
minimum sentences for most drug offenses. In 1981,
approximately 8
percent of state prisoners were serving sentences for drug
offenses. By 1989,
that number had increased to almost 30 percent.
Drug offenses at the
federal level showed a similar increase during the
1980s, from 22
percent of all admissions to 55 percent."'
The Bureau of Justice
Statistics, in a 1989 survey of inmates in local jails, collected data from
interviews in a nationally representative sample of 5,675 inmates in 424 jails,
updating data from a similar survey conducted in 1983.'25 These data provide
this profile of incarcerated women: In 1989, more than one in three female
inmates were in jail for a drug offense, an increase from one in eight in 1983.
Among all convicted female inmates, nearly 40 percent reported that they had
committed their offense under the influence of drugs. More than half of
convicted female inmates had used drugs in the month prior to the current
offense, and approximately 40 percent had used drugs daily. These drugs
included
heroin,
cocaine, or crack cocaine, LSD, PCP, and methadone. The
percentage of women in jail who had used cocaine or crack cocaine in the
month before their current offense more than doubled, from 15 percent in
1983 to 39 percent in 1989. The survey also found that about one in every
three convicted women in jail reported they had committed their current
offense for money to buy drugs. About one-fifth of all convicted women
reported being under the influence of alcohol at the time of the offense,
compared to more than 44 percent of convicted men.
Nearly two-thirds of the women in this study had grown up in a
household with no parents or only one parent present. 40 percent in a
single-parent household and 17 percent in a household without either
parent. Almost one-third of all women in jail had a parent or guardian
who had abused alcohol or other drugs. About 44 percent of the women
reported that they had been either physically or sexually abused at some
time in their lives before their current imprisonment.
In a 1992 study of major cities, the Sentencing Project showed that
women's drug use is escalating, the severity of women's criminal activity is
rising, and their recidivism rates are increasing. Women are being arrested
at a much higher rate, and urinalysis testing indicates that their use of
chemicals is increasing rapidly. Yet a very limited number of resources and
comprehensive treatment
efforts within the criminal justice system focus on
women, most of whom are mothers, and their children. 121
Homeless
Women
Homeless
women represent a highly vulnerable group who engage
in at-risk behaviors and develop health-related disorders at a rate greater
than that of women in the general population. Their children often suffer
from a wide range of
medical problems, do poorly in school, manifest
delays in cognitive and other development, and display behavioral
or emotional problems.''-'
Markers of the lifetime prevalence rates of alcohol abuse-related disorders
among homeless women have ranged from 10 to 37 percent, with the most recent
research indicating a 30 percent lifetime prevalence rate, compared with 5
percent for women in the general population. While alcohol problems are more
common among homeless men than homeless women, this gender difference is far
less than among men and women who are not homeless. '2g
In contrast to homeless
women who are not mothers, homeless mothers are much less likely to suffer from
alcohol disorders (40 percent of homeless women without children versus 23
percent of homeless mothers). Homeless mothers are also less likely to be told
that they have a drinking problem (31 percent versus 5 percent) than homeless
women without children. Three studies have documented an approximate 8 to 10
percent lifetime prevalence rate of alcohol problems in homeless mothers, but the
numbers are likely underestimated as are any estimates of health and other
problems of the homeless. 129 Reports
of lifetime prevalence of problems with drugs other than alcohol among homeless
women have varied from 9 to 32 percent as compared to the lifetime rate of 5
percent in the general female population. By contrast, homeless mothers have an
estimated lifetime 9 to 12 percent prevalence rate of substance abuse.
Anecdotal reports from service providers suggest that growing numbers of
homeless mothers are abusing not only alcohol but crack cocaine."'
Adverse pregnancy
outcomes (miscarriages, low birthweight, and infant mortality) are more likely
in homeless women with substance abuse problems because they are usually poorly
nourished and have limited access to prenatal health care and substance abuse
treatment services. In
one comparative study of homeless women in New York City, 39 percent of
pregnant homeless women were found to have received no prenatal care, compared
to only 14 percent of low-income women living in public housing communities,
and 9 percent of the general population.''
While women who abuse alcohol and other drugs frequently experience depression
and anxiety, homeless women are likely to exhibit more profound levels of these
disorders. Unfortunately there are no recent data available on this subject.
2.4.5 Lesbian
Women
According to Underhill's
review of the limited research data available, an estimated 25 to 35 percent of
lesbians have "serious problems with alcohol." 112 A 1987 national survey of lesbians
found that 16 percent of lesbians believed that they had a problem with
alcohol, 14 percent used marijuana several times a week (33 percent used it
several times a month), and 8 percent used stimulants in the past year."'
These rates are much higher than for women as a whole. The results of the 1988
NIDA Household Survey found that 2 percent of female respondents used marijuana
once a week or more, and 2.2 percent of female respondents engaged in
nonmedical use of stimulants in the past year. 114 Lesbians also engage in polydrug use at high rates.
Although the data are relatively old, a 1978 study found that 60 percent of
lesbians used alcohol in combination with marijuana or amphetamines,
hallucinogens, and barbiturates. '35 In spite of these relatively high rates of substance abuse, few
treatment programs target lesbians or even have services that address their
particular needs.
Lesbians experience most
risk factors common to other women but also must cope with the effects of
stigma, denial, alienation, self-doubt, guilt, and discrimination. These
factors can take a heavy toll on the selfesteem of lesbians and make it
difficult for them to meet their needs for
affiliation. 116 The
relative lack of treatment services responsive to the needs of lesbians and
women in general is also a factor in the relatively high rates of alcoholism in
this population. Not only are there few programs that conduct outreach to
lesbians, few hold meetings or therapy sessions designed to meet their needs,
and few have staff trained to address the needs of lesbians. '3'
Although epidemiologic
data are not available regarding substance abuse by adolescent lesbians, the
recent report of the Department of Health and Human Services Secretary's Task
Force on Youth Suicide indicates that lesbian adolescents begin to use drugs to
reduce anxiety and pain when they become aware of their sexual orientation. Therefore,
outreach, early intervention, and treatment are critical. '3g
2.4.6 Women with
Disabilities
The Americans with
Disabilities Act (ADA), the landmark civil rights act for people with
disabilities, notes that 43 million Americans have some type of disability. '39 These include persons with physical
health, sensory, learning, intellectual, or mental disabilities.
While data on the
prevalence of alcohol and other drug problems among women with disabilities are
lacking, the small body of research on disability and substance abuse suggests
that people with disabilities use substances at the same or higher rates than
those without disabilities."° Women with disabilities face a similar set
of risk factors as non-disabled women, including issues regarding body image,
self-esteem, dependence, and sexual abuse, which in some instances are
exacerbated by their disability status. '4' Another risk factor for women with disabilities is easy access to
substances prescribed for pain or other aspects of the disability, as well as
the compounding, often dangerous effects of prescription medication used in
combination with alcohol and other drugs. 142
2.4.7 African American Women
In 1991, there were 15.8 million African American women
in the
United States: 6 percent of the total population. 143 As with other popula
tions, alcohol is the most commonly abused substance among African
American women and represents a health problem of significant propor-
tions. According to a 1987 NIAAA report, African American women
suffer disproportionately from the health consequences of alcoholism,
obstruetine, including cancer, obstructive
pulmonary disease, severe malnutrition,
malnutri- hypertension, and birth defects.'
tion, Alcoholism was cited as a factor in
the declining health status of
African Americans in the 1991 report on the Health Status of Minority and
Low Income Populations. "' Death rates from chronic liver disease and
cirrhosis are twice as high for African Americans of both sexes as for
Caucasians. Among women aged 15 to 34, cirrhosis rates for African
American women are six times higher than those for Caucasian women, 146
and the risk of FAS is
seven times higher for African American infants than
for Caucasian infants.''
The available data suggest that, while alcohol use begins later
among African Americans than among Caucasians, the onset of alcohol
related problems appears earlier among African Americans. '4$ However,
there are few differences in reported heavy alcohol use by African Ameri
can and Caucasian women. In 1985, both groups of women were equally
likely to be heavy drinkers (9 percent of respondents). In 1988, 7 percent
of Caucasian women and 6 percent of African American women reported
being heavy drinkers. 141
Patterns of drug use
(other than alcohol) among African American
women, as reflected in studies of women in treatment, indicate that they are
more likely than other women in treatment to use opiates. A survey of
treatment program data in 1980 showed that 70 percent of African Ameri
cans in treatment used opiates compared with 65 percent of Hispanics and
35 percent of Caucasians. African American women who use opiates enter
treatment earlier than African American men and are more motivated by
specific health problems. '5° In the
past, African American women were
less likely to engage in nonmedical use of psychotropic drugs than Cauca
sian or Hispanic women, but in 1992, according to the SAMHSA Survey,
they were as likely to do so. African American women's reported use of
cocaine in the previous month increased slightly between 1988 and 1992
(.5 percent to .6 percent of respondents), in contrast with Caucasian and
Hispanic women whose reported use decreased (see Figure 6).
2.4.8 American Indian Women
According to the 1990
census, there were 992,000 American
Indian women in the United States. '5' Alcoholism is the predominant
health problem for
American Indian women in what has been described as
a "triad"
that includes violence and depression. The rates of these prob-
lems have increased
significantly for this population since 1970.
Fleming has reported
that American Indian youth (including girls) "become Indian
involved with alcohol
at an earlier age, consume alcohol more frequently
and in greater quantities, and suffer greater negative consequences" than
Caucasian women.'"' Fleming also noted that, as of 1985, alcoholism was
the fifth most frequent cause of death among American Indian women. '54
In all age groups, the alcohol-related mortality rates were signifi
cantly higher for American Indian women than for other women; for
example, for the age group 45 to 54, the rate for American Indian women
was 48.3/1,000,000, while for women of all other races it was 8.4, and for
all other races other than Caucasian it was 14.9.'55 The FAS rate among
American Indian populations is reportedly as high as 1 in 50, significantly
higher than that of the general population of women. 156 As with Asian American
women, data concerning use and abuse of other drugs are scarce, in part because
the SAMHSA Survey and the NIDA-sponsored High School Survey do not present
disaggregated data for this population. There is minimal data available on Alaskan
Native women.
2.4.9 Asian and
Pacific Islander Women
The term "Asian and
Pacific Islanders" is often misunderstood as describing a homogeneous
ethnic group. In reality, this label represents more than 60 different Asian
and Pacific Islander groups, each with distinct cultural, language, and ethnic
identities. Asian Americans have emigrated from countries and cultures as
diverse as Japan, China, Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Korea, India, and the
Philippines. As of 1990, 3.7 million American women of Asian or Pacific Island
origin-a 108 percent increase over the 1980 census-were American
citizens."'
There have been only a few studies of alcohol and other drug use among Asian
Americans and these studies have focused on Asian Americans in California and
Hawaii."g However, the prevalence of alcohol and drug use among Asian
American women is believed to be relatively low, '59 and to vary considerably by acculturation status. For
example, the Institute of Medicine study of alcohol use found a strong influence
of traditional cultures:
There is a significantly lower prevalence of alcohol use and abuse
by females [among Asian American populations] until they acculturate over
several generations. Even then, the prevalence rates may be lower than those
found among Caucasian females. 160
The low prevalence of
alcohol and other drug use by Asian American women is related to strong
cultural traditions, several of which were described by Sun in 1990: